![]() That came through a National Defense Strategy crafted by Trump's first defense secretary, James Mattis. "To its credit," says Bowman, "the Trump administration explicitly shifted the Pentagon's focus to great-power competition," meaning China and Russia, no longer making anti-terrorism efforts a priority. "Fifteen years of war and several years of budgetary dysfunction had left things frayed."īrad Bowman, a defense analyst at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, credits the Trump administration with prioritizing military research and development with the largest budget increase ever, saying the Pentagon recognized the growing technological prowess of China and Russia as well as the changing character of warfare. ![]() "The increase in budgets, readiness levels and modernization efforts will be sort of like a 'mini Reagan period,' " O'Hanlon says. Michael O'Hanlon, a defense analyst at the Brookings Institution, acknowledged he is no "Trump fan," seeing him as "an extremely dangerous commander in chief" and citing his saber rattling and his threatening a war with North Korea.īut O'Hanlon sees Trump's overall legacy as relatively positive. "The backlash was thankfully great, so hopefully our institutions have emerged undamaged." "Trump's willingness to use the military against legitimate protests in America year stands out as particularly significant and damaging," says Carter Malkasian, a former senior Defense Department official. ![]() Months later, Esper was "terminated" by Trump in a tweet. Trump soured on Esper after that, and their relationship never survived. Trump also tested civilian-military relations by urging that active-duty troops be used to quell street protests following the killing of George Floyd by Minneapolis police last year.ĭefense Secretary Mark Esper strongly and publicly opposed such a move, saying it was a job for local police and possibly the National Guard. "Why get involved with this? It only hurts the military, hurts the rule of law and hurts the image of the U.S. The rank and title are the final ones for the officer's career and not necessarily applicable to his tenure as Commander-in-Chief, India.Ĭommanders-in-Chief of India, 1752–1801 No."They were not close calls on the merits," O'Connell says. This is a list of people who were the military Commander-in-Chief, India until 1947. Prior to independence, the official residence was the Flagstaff House, which later became the residence of the first Prime Minister of India as Teen Murti Bhavan (Teen Murti House), it is now a museum. Subsequently, the role of Commander-in-Chief was merged into the offices of the Commanders-in-Chief of the independent Indian Army and Pakistan Army, respectively, before becoming part of the office of the President of India from 1950 and of the Commander-in-Chief of the Pakistan Army from 1947. It was briefly replaced by the position of Supreme Commander of India and Pakistan before the role was abolished in November 1948. Following the Partition of India in 1947 and the creation of the independent dominions of India and Pakistan, the post was abolished. The Commander-in-Chief and most of his staff were based at GHQ India, and liaised with the civilian Governor-General of India. ![]() Commanders-in-Chief of the Indian Army and Pakistan Armyĭuring the period of the Company and Crown rule in India, the Commander-in-Chief, India (often "Commander-in-Chief in or of India") was the supreme commander of the Indian Army from 1833 to 1947. ![]()
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